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THE POTENTIAL OF 
RECOVERY CAPITAL 





This paper 





This short paper outlines the concept of recovery capital and discusses the 
impact that the accumulation of individual success has on groups and 
communities. It seeks to define recovery capital, to capture its flavour and 
principles, and to look at the intrinsically social forces that are at play in 
shaping change and in growing communities of recovery. It also outlines 
how we will be taking forward these ideas in our action research. 


Forthcoming RSA papers will discuss how the ideas in this report are being 
operationalised, and what the lessons are to date in trying to embed 
recovery-oriented practice and behaviour; and will report on our recent work 
in West Sussex. 





About the authors 





David Best is Chair of the UK Recovery Academy, Chair of the Scottish Drugs 
Recovery Consortium and a researcher at the University of the West of 
Scotland. He is currently involved in researching recovery pathways and in 
developing training manuals in recovery approaches to treatment. 





Alexandre B. Laudet, Ph.D, is an expert in addiction recovery from the US. 
Her federally funded research in the past 15 years has focused on 
elucidating what helps people with drugs and/or alcohol problems quit 
drinking or getting high and how they stay in recovery. A social 
psychologist, her main goals are to build and help translate the science of 
recovery into services and policy that create opportunities for long-term 
recovery and improved quality of life for people with substance problems. 





RSA Projects 


CITIZEN 
POWER 


PETERBOROUGH 








“voluntarily sustained control over 
substance use which maximises 
health and wellbeing and 
participation in the rights, roles 
and responsibilities of society” 


— UK Drug Policy Commission, 
defining recovery capital 





“the essence of recovery is a lived 
experience of improved life quality 
and a sense of empowerment, ... 
the principles of recovery focus on 
the central ideas of hope, choice, 
freedom and aspiration” 

— Best and Laudet 








Betty Ford Institute 
Consensus Panel (2007) 
‘What is Recovery? 

A Working Definition from 
The Betty Ford Institute’, 
Journal of Substance 
Abuse Treatment, Vol. 33, 
pp221-228 





UK Drug Policy 
Commission, (2008) 
Recovery Consensus 
Statement, 
www.ukdpc.org.uk/ 
Recovery_Consensus_ 
Statement.shtml 








Deegan, P. E. (1988) 
Recovery: the lived 
experience of rehabilitation. 
Psychosocial Rehabilitation 
Journal, 11, 11-19. 





INTRODUCTION 


The addictions field is now overflowing with references to ‘recovery’ with 
service providers and workers increasingly designated as ‘recovery-focused’, 
although in many areas there is confusion as to what this means in practice 
and what needs to change. There is an increasing awareness that people do 
recover, but we have limited knowledge or science of what enables recovery 
or at what point in the journey recovery is sparked and made sustainable. 


There is also the recognition that recovery is something that is grounded in 
the community and that it is a transition that can occur without professional 
input, and where professional input is involved, the extent of its role is far 
from clear. We are also increasingly confident that recovery is contagious 
and that it is a powerful force not only in transforming the lives of 
individuals blighted by addiction but in impacting on their families and 
communities as well. 


WHAT DO WE MEAN BY RECOVERY AND 
RECOVERY CAPITAL? 


Researchers and clinicians have devised the construct of ‘recovery capital’ 
to refer to the sum of resources necessary to initiate and sustain recovery 
from substance misuse. Before discussing this construct in more detail, it 
is first necessary to explain what we mean by recovery. 


In the US, the Betty Ford Institute Consensus Panel (2007, p. 222) defined 
recovery as “a voluntarily maintained lifestyle characterised by sobriety, 
personal health and citizenship”.' Subsequently, the UK Drug Policy 
Commission (2008, p.6) followed up this statement with a definition of 
recovery as “voluntarily sustained control over substance use which 
maximises health and wellbeing and participation in the rights, roles and 
responsibilities of society”. Both of these definitions involve three primary 
component parts — wellbeing and quality of life, some measure of 
community engagement or citizenship, and some measure of sobriety.” 


In contrast, the definition from mental health recovery is typically more 
focused on the quality of life component regardless of the others. Deegan 
(1988) has argued that “recovery refers to the lived experience of people as 
they accept and overcome the challenge of disability... they experience 
themselves as recovering a new sense of self and of purpose within and 
beyond the limits of the disability”? 


What is clear, however, is that the essence of recovery is a lived experience 
of improved life quality and a sense of empowerment; that the principles 

of recovery focus on the central ideas of hope, choice, freedom and 
aspiration that are experienced rather than diagnosed and occur in real life 
settings rather than in the rarefied atmosphere of clinical settings. Recovery 
is a process rather than an end state, with the goal being an ongoing quest 
for a better life. 





THE POTENTIAL OF RECOVERY CAPITAL 








“Those who possess larger 
amounts of social capital, perhaps 
even independently of the intensity 
of use, will be likely candidates for 
less intrusive forms of treatment” 
— Granfield and Cloud 


“.... the breadth and depth of 
internal and external resources 
that can be drawn upon to initiate 
and sustain recovery from AOD 
[alcohol and other drug] problems” 


— Granfield and Cloud, defining recovery capital 








4 Bourdieu, P. (1980) 
The logic of practice. 
Polity: London 


5 Granfield, R. and Cloud, 
W. (2001) ‘Social Context 
and “Natural Recovery”: 
The Role of Social Capital 
in the Resolution of Drug- 
Associated Problems’, 
Substance Use and 
Misuse, Vol. 36, pp1543- 
1570 





6 Granfield, R. and Cloud, 
W. (1999) Coming clean: 
Overcoming addiction 
without treatment. 

New York: New York 
University Press 





7 White, W. and Cloud, W. 
(2008) ‘Recovery Capital: 
A Primer for Addiction 
Professionals’, Counselor, 
Vol. 9, No. 5, pp22-27 





8 Ibid. 





With recovery conceptualised as a process in this way, recovery capital 
refers to the sum of resources that may facilitate the process. The notion 

of social capital initially developed in the field of sociology, where 

Pierre Bourdieu (1980) described it as one of three resource forms along 
with economic and cultural capital as the basic resources for power.* When 
this concept was applied to the addictions field, Granfield and Cloud (2001) 
suggested that “Those who possess larger amounts of social capital, 
perhaps even independently of the intensity of use, will be likely candidates 
for less intrusive forms of treatment”s 


However, social capital in this sense does not mean only the social resources 
that an individual can draw upon — their parents and families, partners, 
friends and neighbours when times are tough. It also implies the person’s 
engagement and commitment to the community and their willingness to 
participate in its values. 


Further, Granfield and Cloud (1999) defined recovery capital as “.... the 
breadth and depth of internal and external resources that can be drawn 
upon to initiate and sustain recovery from AOD [alcohol and other drug] 
problems”.° In the same paper, they summarise early evidence among 
naturally recovering individuals (people who did not seek professional 
treatment or participate in mutual aid support groups) suggesting that both 
the quality and the quantity of recovery capital play a major role in 
predicting recovery success both in and out of treatment, and crucially that the 
growth of recovery capital can signal a ‘turning point’ in addiction careers. 


White and Cloud (2008) assert that the type of interventions that will be 
appropriate will depend in part on the balance of recovery capital and 
problem severity /complexity.’? They represent this in a ‘quadrant model’ as 
shown in Table 1 below, where people can be allocated to one of four cells 
(although this is a shorthand for people’s overall ratings of recovery 

capital and problem profile). Thus, people with high recovery capital and low 
problem severity may be appropriate for brief interventions of various 
types. People with high recovery capital but also high problem severity may 
be appropriate for out-patient detoxification with intense community 
support. White and Cloud argue that people with low problem severity and 
low recovery capital may be appropriate for residential rehabilitation with 
appropriate follow-up and people with low recovery capital and high 
problem severity may need a combination of intensive interventions. 


Table 1: Recovery Capital / Problem Severity Matrix 
(re-produced with permission from White and Cloud, 2008)° 


High Problem Severity/ 


High Recovery Capital comet 


Low Problem Severity/ 


Complexity Low Recovery Capital 





THE POTENTIAL OF RECOVERY CAPITAL 





9 Cloud, W. and Granfield, W. 


(2009) Conceptualising 
recovery capital: Expansion 
of a theoretical construct, 
Substance Use and Misuse, 
42, 12/13, 1971-1986 





10 


Christakis, N. A. and 
Fowler, J. H. (2007) 
“The Spread of Obesity 
in a Large Social 
Network Over 32 Years” 
New England Journal of 


Medicine 357 (4): 370-379 





11 


Christakis, N. A. and 
Fowler, J. H. (2008) “The 
Collective Dynamics of 
Smoking in a Large Social 
Network” New England 
Journal of Medicine 358 
(21): 2249-2258 





Consistent with Deegan’s definition of recovery in the mental health field, 
this model makes no assumption that those high in addiction severity/ 
complexity will be low in recovery capital. However, the influence of 
change in recovery capital (increases or decreases) on subsequent patterns 
of substance use and related problems remains an unanswered question. 


WHAT ARE THE KEY COMPONENTS OF 
RECOVERY CAPITAL? 


Cloud and Granfield (2009) recently revisited their initial concept and have 
argued that there are four components to recovery capital:? 


1 Social capital is defined as the sum of resources that each person has as 
a result of their relationships, and includes both support from and 
obligations to groups to which they belong; thus, family membership 
provides supports but will also entail commitments and obligations to 
the other family members. 


2 Physical capital is defined in terms of tangible assets such as property and 
money that may increase recovery options (e.g. being able to move away 
from existing friends /networks or to afford an expensive detox service). 


3. Human capital includes skills, positive health, aspirations and hopes, and 
personal resources that will enable the individual to prosper. Traditionally, 
high educational attainment and high intelligence have been regarded as 
key aspects of human capital, and will help with some of the problem 
solving that is required on a recovery journey. 


4 Cultural capital includes the values, beliefs and attitudes that link to 
social conformity and the ability to fit into dominant social behaviours. 


Although the focus here is primarily on individual factors, it is the meshing 
of three of these components — social, human and cultural capital - that 
may be particularly important in assessing recovery capital at a group or 
social level. 


WHAT DOES RECOVERY CAPITAL MEAN 
AT A COMMUNITY LEVEL? 


In social epidemiology, Christakis and Fowler (2007) reported on the 
increased risk rates for obesity in up to three degrees of separation from 

a target individual such that a person’s odds of becoming obese increased by 
57% if they had a friend who became obese, with a lower risk rate for 
friends of friends, lower again at three degrees of separation, and with no 
discernible effect at further levels of remove.’° Moreover, if the friend is 
perceived to be a close friend then the risk rate is increased. Repeating this 
social network analysis for smoking, Christakis and Fowler (2008) 

found that smoking cessation by a spouse decreased a person’s chances of 
smoking by 67%, while smoking cessation by a friend decreased the 
chances by 36%. The average risk of smoking at one degree of separation 
(i.e. smoking by a friend) was 61% higher, 29% higher at two degrees of 
separation and 11% higher at three degrees of separation.” 





THE POTENTIAL OF RECOVERY CAPITAL 





12 


Christakis, N. A. and 
Fowler, J. H. (2010) 
Connected: The Amazing 
Power of Social Networks 
and How They Shape Our 
Lives, Harper Press: London 





13 


Best, D. and Gilman, M. 
(2010) Recovering 
Happiness, Drink and 
Drugs News, 15 February 
2010 





14 


Laub, J.H. and Sampson. 
R.}. (2003) Shared 
Beginnings, Divergent 
Lives: Delinquent Boys to 
Age 70. Cambridge, MA: 
Harvard University Press 





In “Connected”, Christakis and Fowler (2010) assessed the effect of social 
contagion in emotions and the extent to which this reaches beyond 
immediate social networks, which they refer to as hyperdyadic spread.” 
Using happiness as the topic for investigation, they reported that, ifa person’s 
friend is happy, there is a 15% increase in the chances that the target will be 
happy, but that even at a further degree of separation there is an increase of 
around 10% and at three degrees of separation, the increased likelihood of 
happiness is 6%. This is a critical issue in the development of interventions 
and policies that attempt to promote recovery as it would suggest that 
focusing exclusively on individuals underestimates the impact of key icons 
of recovery and of recovery communities. Thus, there is evidence for the 
social transmission of some of the key elements of recovery capital, and we 
do not have to conceptualise it exclusively as the property of an individual. 


The development of recovery ‘champions’ as charismatic and connected 
community figures who are visible examples of success provides not only 
the opportunity for ‘social learning’ for those who claim that recovery is 
not possible, but also increases the waves of impact within local communities 
for recovery spread. Similarly, the growth of vibrant recovery groups 

and recovery-oriented systems of care may well provide ready-made social 
supports for individuals starting out on their recovery journeys 

(as has often been attributed to mutual aid groups, particularly Alcoholics 
Anonymous) while also providing the scaffolding for the development of 
the human and physical capital that are likely to be part of the 
developmental journey of recovery. In other words, recovery champions 
may be the key contagion that allows the ‘viral spread’ of recovery capital. 


Within the addictions field, Best and Gilman (2010) have argued that the 
growth of recovery has a ripple effect that confers benefits on families but 
also serves to generate ‘collective recovery capital’ that provides support and 
hope for those in recovery and that engages people in a range of activities 

in the local community.” This process translates into active participation in 
community life and ‘giving something back’ by creating a collective 
commitment in recovery groups to community engagement and immersion. 
In other words, the recovery community acts and is seen as a positive force 
in the local community and a resource for that community that goes beyond 
managing substance misuse issues. 


WHAT DOES THIS MEAN FOR PROFESSIONALS 
AND ADDICTION AGENCIES? 


As Laub and Sampson (2003) have reported with respect to the predictors 
of long-term desistance from crime, it is not direct treatment effects that 
will trigger the growth of recovery capital; rather, it is likely to be a range of 
life events and personal and interpersonal transitions: 

— attachment to a conventional person (spouse); 

— stable employment; 

— transformation of personal identity; 

— ageing; 

— inter-personal skills; and 


— life and coping skills. 





THE POTENTIAL OF RECOVERY CAPITAL 





The RSA 


RSA Projects put enlightened thinking to work in practical ways. 
We aim to discover and release untapped human potential for 
the common good. By researching, designing and testing new 
social models, we encourage a more inventive, resourceful and 
fulfilled society. 


The RSA Commission on Illegal Drugs, Communities and 
Public Policy published its report, Drugs — facing facts, 
in 2007, which argued, inter alia, for a more tailored and 
expansive approach to drug services. 


Following this report, and with our modern mission to extend 
our thought leadership into practical action on the ground, we 
are working with West Sussex Drug and Alcohol Action Team 
and partners to develop and test a user-centred approach to 
personalised recovery. 


Building on this work, we have launched a new project to 
explore how to develop a broad recovery community 





RSA Peterborough Recovery Capital Project 


The RSA is working with Peterborough City Council and partners 
to put the ideas in this paper into practice as part of the broader 
Citizen Power Programme of work which sets out a vision 

for active citizenship across the City and seeks to realise it with 
local stakeholders. 





There are strong overlaps between the notion of recovery 
capital and its domains, and the RSA’s account of individual 
and collective civic health. Broadly, the latter includes being 
engaged in civic life; acting in an other-regarding, 

pro-social manner; being resilient in the face of change and 
shocks; having sufficient self-reliance to make change and to 
participate in civic life; and being resourceful and creative in 
problem-solving and in the face of scarcer resources. 


The RSA’s Recovery Capital project will work with current 

and former substance misusers to map and understand their 
recovery capital. We will then work with substance misusers, 
service providers and a wide range of other stakeholders to 
re-design services for recovery, foster recovery capital, and 
mobilise community assets to support recovery journeys and 
the active participation in civic life. 








15 Ajayi, S., Billsborough, 
)., Bowyer, T., Brown, 
P., Hicks, A., Larsen, J., 
Mailey, P., Sayers, R., 
and Smith, R. (2010) 
Getting Back into the 
world: Reflections on lived 
experiences of recovery. 
Rethink recovery series: 
volume 2 www.rethink. 
org/intotheworld 





However, this does not mean that treatment providers or commissioners 
have nothing to offer — they are often best placed to act as guides 

to recovery communities, and they are essential in activating the basic 
health supports that are needed. In “Getting back into the world”, the 
mental health recovery group, Rethink (2010), argued that the starting 
point for a recovery journey requires three components — a safe place 
to live, effective control over symptoms and general health problems, 
and basic human rights supports.’ While not all clients are looking for 
recovery guides, the sine qua non of treatment services and workers 
should be to enable their clients to get to the starting blocks of the 
recovery journey and to enable and support recovery activities that will 
be community-based and socially grounded. 


RECOVERY CAPITAL AS COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT 


This overview of recovery capital has focused on recovery from addictions 
and the increasing recognition that recovery is not only possible, it is 

the reported experience of many people who have (had) addiction 
problems. Recovery unfolds in the lived, physical community as well as in 
the substance misusing communities and it has significant ramifications 
for those wider communities. The growth of recovery capital as 

a collective, community concept will involve mutual empowerment, 
support and recovery contagion in substance misusing groups, but it will 
manifest itselfin improved functioning for the family and the wider 
community. The growth of recovery capital is, as far as we currently know, 
idiosyncratic and personal, but its manifestation is inherently social 

and community-based and its impact can be measured in terms of those 
lived communities. 


What this means is that at a systems level — the Drug Action Team in 
England or the Alcohol and Drug Partnership in Scotland — it is meaningful 
to conceptualise and measure recovery capital as the sum of resources and 
supports available to people starting recovery journeys. This will include 
the range and dynamism of recovery support groups, the local champions 
of recovery and the services that provide continued and ongoing care. This 
resource is the community asset that we should aim for as the foundation 
stone of recovery-oriented systems of care. 





THE POTENTIAL OF RECOVERY CAPITAL